Rethinking community engagement in Ghana’s slum upgrading programs

Urban development projects often promise to give communities a voice — but how genuine is that participation? Gideon Abagna Azunre, PhD candidate in the Department of Geography, Planning and Environment, set out to find answers by studying international programs like the Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development (GARID) program. This World Bank initiative is designed to upgrade slums in Accra, Ghana. 

Azunre’s findings reveal a complex picture. Meetings, committees, and digital platforms are intended to include residents in these types of initiatives. But many feel their involvement doesn’t truly count, citing fatigue, political pressures, and the overwhelming influence of international funders. 

In this interview, Azunre shares the insights, challenges, and recommendations emerging from his research. 

What initially drew you to study participatory processes in informal settlement upgrading, particularly in Accra?   

Gideon Azunre: Growing up in cities across Ghana (Bolgatanga, Tamale, and Kumasi), I was struck by the scale of urban poor settlements and the glaring neglect from state and city governments. Accra is even more challenging, as the nation’s capital and the primary destination of poor migrants — particularly from the north, where I’m from. Although these neighbourhoods provide millions of residents with affordable housing, their governance can be harsh, with militarized evictions and dispossessions.   

My PhD research focuses on finding inclusive and equitable strategies to redevelop these settlements. Participatory slum upgrading, often internationally funded, is widely praised academically and in policy circles. I was curious how genuinely “participatory” these programs really are, and how residents experience the planning, design, and implementation processes.  

My work draws on a Southern decolonial lens—an action-oriented approach that confronts dominant exclusionary power structures in post-colonial societies—to provide detailed evidence on how externally financed programs from the World Bank and UN-Habitat operate in informal contexts. It challenges mainstream approaches to participation by centering residents’ experiences and enhancing their influence in processes essential to their survival.  

These communities often face intersecting inequalities tied to ethnicity, gender, and income, so my research emphasizes culturally sensitive ways to engage vulnerable groups.  

From your conversations with residents and community leaders, what did you learn about the limits of participation in these processes? 

GA: I found that participation often looked inclusive on the surface but felt very different to residents. Many pointed to informal politics, elite influence, and what I came to call the “yes-man syndrome” — the silent power of funders and officials that discourages people from disagreeing or shaping the agenda.  

Although residents were invited to meetings and consultations, 62 per cent said they felt their involvement wasn’t meaningful. They described situations where plans were already decided, alternative priorities were dismissed for lack of funding, and speaking up risked repercussions. All of this made participation feel more symbolic than substantive. 

How did local political dynamics complicate or shape the participatory process? 

GA: Power struggles over the programs were widespread. Local elected officials often tried to control representative groups like community-development committees. This was especially noticeable during my fieldwork from March to July 2024. Just months before the national elections, both major political parties (the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party) used the programs to appeal to voters or make counterproductive promises.  

Traditional and customary actors also influenced participation, sometimes inviting only their allies to meetings. I explore these dynamics more critically in two other papers in my doctoral dissertation.  

What do your findings reveal about the role of international organizations like the World Bank in shaping the tone and structure of participation? 

GA: International organizations play a key role by requiring inclusive measures from city and state officials — for instance, ensuring compensation for displaced businesses and households, which is not typical in Ghana. However, their bureaucracies and the “silent power” they wield, amplified by the “yes-man syndrome,” can also produce manufactured consensus and exclusionary outcomes like pressing needs being overlooked.  

What can funders and governments do to reduce participation fatigue and lower the “costs” of engagement for residents? 

GA: In my paper, I suggest managing project budgets, ensuring procedural transparency, offering transportation to meetings, and using informal engagement strategies. Montreal’s Neighbourhood Round Tables are a good example of flexible, frequent participation. They bring together residents and community partners to identify neighbourhood priorities and improve living conditions. Through consultation and collective action, they collaborate on issues like housing, mobility, food security, and social cohesion. 

In Ghana, grassroots organizations and community-development committees should lead these efforts, rather than relying solely on sporadic meetings organized by planners and technocrats.  

How might Canadian governments at all levels better engage communities experiencing systemic inequality or housing precarity? What do you hope policymakers, planners or urban scholars take away from your research?  

GA: I see many lessons for Canadian municipalities. One thing they can learn is the importance of regularly returning to residents to understand their participatory experiences, and then integrate that feedback into future processes. 

It’s also crucial to recognize the influence of soft and silent power. Many residents, particularly vulnerable groups, may not speak up or participate if costs are high. Engaging marginalized communities effectively requires a strategic, intentional combination of formal strategies as well as informal networks and social ties. Tools like social media proved valuable in Ghana through platforms like Facebook and WhatsApp. 

Find out more about graduate research in the Department of Geography, Planning and Environment.